Bateson, Gregory. Culture And Schismogenesis 16l4f

199. Culture and Schismogenesis Author(s): Gregory Bateson Source: Man, Vol. 35 (Dec., 1935), pp. 178-183 Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2789408 Accessed: 06/07/2010 19:05 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's and Conditions of Use, available at http://dv1litvip.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/.jsp. JSTOR's and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=rai. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please [email protected].

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of the Pungwe type broughtabout by long continued withforeign to and modifications influenceat a port (Mozambique)whichhas been frequentedby Asiatic and European seamenfor many centuries. The basal designand its materialmust have, however,a commonoriginwiththe Pungwe canoe. If we grantthis,the geographicalrange of the Africanbark canoe would seem to extendfromSouth Rhodesia (PungweRiver) eastwardsto the coast of PortugueseEast Africa. JAMES HORNELL. 24thSeptember,1935. Bateson,M.A., St. John's College,Cambridge. Culture and Schismogenesis. By Gregory of theSocialSciencesResearchCouncil(MAN, by a Committee written The Memorandum

from considerably 1935, 162) has stimulatedme to put forwarda pointof viewwhichdiffers I wish ofthisarticlemayappearto be criticaloftheirMemorandum, theirs;and, thoughthebeginning to make it clear fromthe outset that I regardas a real contributionany seriousattemptto devise categoriesforthe studyof culture. Moreover,since thereare severalages in the Memounderstand,my criticismsare offered randum(amongthemthe Definition)whichI do not perfectly withsome hesitation,and are directednot so much againstthe Committeeas againstcertainerrors prevalentamonganthropologists. (1) The uses of such systemsof categories.-Ingeneralit is unwiseto constructsystemsof this sort until the problemswhichtheyare designedto elucidatehave been clearlyformulated;and so to not in reference faras I can see, the categoriesdrawnup by the Committeehave been constructed acculturation, " " of on the problem light a general to throw but definedproblems, any specifically whilethe problemitselfremainsvague. of a set of (2) From this it followsthat our immediateneed is not so much the construction of the categorieswhichwill throwa lighton all the problems,but ratherthe schematicformulation investigable. be separately that may they in a such way problems we may froma carefulreadingof (3) Althoughthe Committeeleave theirproblemsundefined, the categoriesgatherroughlywhat questionstheyare askingofthe material. It seemsthat the Comask of by the sortof questionswhichs mitteehave, as a matterof fact,been influenced given a make we can How " " s? culture in use force Is it a to thing good anthropologists-" " people accept a certainsortof trait? " and so on. In responseto thistype of questionwe findin in culturebetweenthe groupsin of acculturationan emphasisupon difference the definition and upon the resultingchanges; and such dichotomiesas that between"elements forcedupon a ofthisthinking " peopleor receivedvoluntarilyby them"1 may likewisebe regardedas symptomatic problems. The same maybe said ofthecategoriesV., A, B, and C, ' acceptin ofistrative ance,'

'

adaptation' and ' reaction.'

(4) We may agree that answersare badly needed to these questionsof istrationand, that a studyof culturesis likelyto give theseanswers. But it is almostcertainthat further, ofthe problemsof willnot followtheselines. It is as ifin the conformulation the scientific we startedwitha dichotomyof individualsinto structionof categoriesforthe studyof criminology criminaland non-criminal-and,indeed,that curioussciencewas hamperedfora long whileby this veryattemptto definea ' criminaltype.' is based upon a fallacy: that we can classifythe traitsof a cultureunder (5) The Memorandum religious,etc. We are asked, forexample,to classifytraitsinto three as economic, such headings because of: (a) economirofitor politicaldominance;(b) desirability classes,presentedrespectively to values of donorgroup; and (c) ethicaland religiousconsiderations. of bringingabout conformity This idea, thateach traithas eithera singlefunctionor at least someone functionwhichovertopsthe rest,leads by extensionto the idea that a culturecan be subdividedinto 'institutions'wherethe are alike in theirmajor functions.The weaknessof bundleof traitswhichmake up one institution this methodof sub-dividinga culturehas been conclusivelydemonstratedby Malinowskiand his pupils,who have shownthat almostthe wholeof a culturemay be seen variouslyas a mechanismfor of the normsof the sexual needs of the individuals,or forthe enforcement and satisfying modifying 1 In any case it is clear that in a scientific study of processes and natural laws this invocation of free will can have no place.

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behaviour,or for supplyingthe individualswith food.2 From this exhaustivedemonstration we must expectthat any singletraitof a culturewill prove on examinationto be not simplyeconomic or religiousor structural, but to partakeofall thesequalitiesaccordingto thepointofviewfromwhich we look at it. If thisbe trueof a cultureseen in synchronic section,thenit mustalso apply to the diachronirocessesofcultureand change;and we mustexpectthatfortheoffering, acceptance or refusalofeverytraitthereare simultaneouscauses of an economic,structural, sexual and religious nature. (6) Fromthisit followsthat our categories'religious,'' economic,'etc.,are not real subdivisions whichare presentin the cultureswhichwe study,but are merelyabstractions whichwe make forour own conveniencewhenwe set out to describeculturesin words. They are not phenomenapresent in culture,but are labels forvariouspointsof view whichwe adopt in our studies. In handlingsuch abstractionswe mustbe carefulto avoid Whitehead's" fallacyof misplacedconcreteness," a fallacy intowhich,forexample,the Marxianhistoriansfallwhentheymaintainthat economic' phenomena' are ' primary.' With this preamble,we may now consideran alternativescheme for the study of phenomena. (7) Scope oftheinquiry.-I suggestthat we shouldconsiderunderthe head of ' culture' not onlythosecases in whichthe occursbetweentwo communities withdifferent culturesand resultsin profounddisturbanceof the cultureof one or bothgroups; but also cases of within a singlecommunity.In thesecases the is betweendifferentiated groupsof individuals,e.g., betweenthe sexes,betweenold and young,betweenaristocracyand plebs,betweenclans,etc.,groups whichlive togetherin approximateequilibrium.I wouldeven extendthe idea of ' ' so widely as to includethoseprocesseswherebya childis mouldedand trainedto fitthe cultureintowhichhe was born,3but forthe presentwe may confineourselvesto sbetweengroupsof individuals, with different culturalnormsof behaviourin each group. (8) If we considerthe possibleend of the drasticdisturbanceswhichfollowsbetween different profoundly communities, we see that the changesmusttheoretically resultin one or otherof the following patterns: (a) the completefusionof the originallydifferent groups, (b) the eliminationof one or both groups, (c) the persistenceof both groupsin dynamicequilibriumwithinone major community. (9) My purposein extendingthe idea of to coverthe conditionsof differentiation insidea singlecultureis to use our knowledgeof thesequiescentstatesto throwlightupon the factorswhich are at workin states of disequilibrium.It may be easy to obtain a knowledgeof the factorsfrom 2 Cf. Malinowski, Sexual Life and Crime and Custom; A. I. Richards, Hunger and Work. This question of the subdivision of a culture into 'institutions' is not quite as simple as I have indicated; and, in spite of their own works, I believe that the London School still adheres to a theorythat some such division is practicable. It is likely that confusion arises from the fact that certain native peoples-perhaps all, but in any case those of Western Europe-actually think that their culture is so subdivided. Various cultural phenomena also contribute something towards such a subdivision, e.g., (a) the division of labour and differentiationof norms of behaviour between differentgroups of individuals in the same community,and (b) an emphasis, present in certain cultures, upon the subdivisions of place and time upon which behaviour is ordered. These phenomena lead to the possibility,in such cultures,of dubbing all behaviour which, for example, takes place in church between 11.30 and 12.30 on Sundays as 'religious.' But even in the study of such cultures the anthropologistmust look with some suspicion upon his classificationof traits into

institutionsand must expect to find a great deal of overlapping between various institutions. An analogous fallacy occurs in psychology, and consists in regarding behaviour as classifiable according to the impulses which inspire it, e.g., into such categories as self-protective, assertive, sexual, acquisitive, etc. Here, too, confusionresults fromthe fact that not only the psychologist, but also the individual studied, is prone to think in of these categories. The psychologists would do well to accept the probability that every bit ofbehaviour is-at least in a well integratedindividual -simultaneously relevant to all these abstractions. 3 The present scheme is oriented towards the study of social rather than psychological processes, but a closely analogous scheme might be constructed for the study of psychopathology. Here the idea of '' would be studied, especially in the contexts of the moulding of the individual, and the processes of schismogenesis would be seen to play an importantpart not only in accentuating the maladjustments of the deviant, but also in assimilating the normal individual to his group.

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but impossibleto isolatethemwhentheyare violent. The laws ofgravitycannot theirquietworking, be studiedby observationof houses collapsingin an earthquake. conveniently fusion.-Since thisis one of the possibleends of the processwe must knowwhat (10) Complete factorsare presentin a groupofindividualswithconsistenthomogeneouspatternsof behaviourin all whichis in a ofthegroup. An approachto suchconditionsmay be foundin any community in Europe are in a stateof our own communities state of approximateequilibriumbut,unfortunately, theconditions suchfluxthattheseconditionsscarcelyoccur. Moreover,evenin primitivecommunities so thatwe mustbe contentwithstudiesofsuchhomogeneous are usuallycomplicatedbydifferentiation, communities. groupsas can be observedwithinthe majordifferentiated whatsortsofunityobtainwithinsuchgroups,orrather-bearing Ourfirsttaskwillbe to ascerta-in in mindthat we are concernedwithaspectsand not classesof phenomena-whataspectsof the unity of thebodyoftraitswe mustdescribein orderto get a wholeview of the situation. I submitthatthe material,to be fullyunderstood,mustbe examinedin, at least, the followingfiveseparableaspects: aspectof unity.-The behaviourof any one individualin any one contextis, in (a) A structural consistentwiththe behaviourof all the otherindividualsin all othercontexts. somesense,cognitively fromthat profoundly Here we mustbe preparedto findthat the inherentlogicof one culturediffers of others. Fromthispointofviewwe shall see, forexample,that whenindividualA givesa drinkto individualB, that behaviouris consistentwithothernormsof behaviourobtainingwithinthe group whichcontainsA and B. This aspect of the unity of the body of behaviourpatternsmay be re-statedin of a of the individuals. We may say that the of the cognitiveaspectsof the personalities standardization patternsofthoughtoftheindividualsare so standardizedthattheirbehaviourappears to themlogical. aspectsofunity.-In studyingthe culturefromthispointof view,we are concemed (b) Affective to showtheemotionalsettingofall thedetailsofbehaviour. We shallsee thewholebodyofbehaviour oftheindividuals. and dissatisfaction satisfaction as a concertedmechanismorientedtowardsaffective This aspect of a culturemay also be describedin of a standardizationof affectiveaspects of the personalitiesof the individuals,whichare so modifiedby theirculturethat theirbehaviouris to them emotionallyconsistent. (c) Economicunity.-Here we shall see the whole body of behaviouras a mechanismoriented ofmaterialobjects. towardsthe productionand distribution and spatial unity.-Here we shall see the behaviourpatternsas schematic(d) Chronological ally orderedaccordingto time and place. We shall see A as givingthe drinkto B 'because it is Saturdayeveningin the Blue Boar.' (e) Sociologicalunity.-Here we shall see the behaviourof the individualsas orientedtowards of the major unit,the Groupas a whole' We shall see the giving and disintegration the integration the solidarityofthe group. as factor promotes drinks a which of (11) In additionto studyingthe behaviourofof the homogeneousgroupfromall these pointsof view,we mustexaminea numberof such groupsto discoverthe effectsof standardization of thesevariouspointsof view in the peoplewe are studying. We have statedabove that everybit of behaviourmustbe regardedas probablyrelevantto all theseviewpoints,but the factremainsthat. somepeoplesare moreinclinedthan othersto see and phrasetheirown behaviouras ' logical' or ' for the good of the State.' (12) With thisknowledgeof the conditionswhichobtainin homogeneousgroups,we shall be in a positionto examinethe processesof fusionof two diversegroupsinto one. We may even be able to prescribemeasureswhichwilleitherpromoteor retardsuch fusion,and predictthat a traitwhich fitsthe fiveaspects of unitycan be added to a culturewithoutotherchanges. If it does not fit, eitherof the cultureor of the trait. thenwe can searchforappropriatemodifications of one or bothgroups.-This end resultis perhapsscarcelyworthstudying, (13) The elimination but we shouldat least examineany materialthat is available,to determinewhat sortof effectssuch hostileactivityhas upon the cultureofthe survivors. It is possible,forexample,thatthe patternsof behaviourassociatedwitheliminationof othergroupsmay be assimilatedinto theircultureso that theyare impelledto eliminatemoreand more. [

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(14) Persistenceof bothgroups in dynamic equilibrium.-This is probably the most instructive of the possible end results of , since the factors active in the dynamic equilibrium are likely to be identical or analogous with those which, in disequilibrium, are active in cultural change. Our first task is to study the relationshipsobtaining between groups of individuals with differentiatedbehaviour patterns, and later to consider what light these relationships throw upon what are more usually called 's.' Every anthropologist who has been in the field has had opportunity of studying such differentiatedgroups. of groups are by no means infinite,but fall clearly into two (15) The possibilitiesof differentiation categories (a) cases in which the relationship is chiefly symmetrical, e.g., in the differentiationof moieties, clans, villages and the nations of Europe; and (b) cases in which the relationship is complementary,e.g., in the differentiationof social strata, classes, castes, age grades, and, in some cases, the cultural differentiationbetween the sexes.4 Both these types of differentiationcontain dynamic elements, such that when certain restrainingfactors are removed the differentiationor split between the groups increases progressivelytowards either breakdown or a new equilibrium. (16) Symmetricaldifferentiation.-To this category may be referredall those cases in which the individuals in two groups A and B have the same aspirations and the same behaviour patterns, but are differentiatedin the orientation of these patterns. Thus of group A exhibit behaviour patterns A,B,C, in their dealings with each other, but adopt the patterns X,Y,Z, in their dealings with of group B. Similarly, group B adopt the patterns A,B,C, among themselves, but exhibit X,Y,Z,in dealing with group A. Thus a position is set up in which the behaviour X,Y,Z, is the standard reply to X,Y,Z. This position contains elements which may lead to progressive differentiation or schismogenesisalong the same lines. If, for example, the patterns X,Y,Z include boasting, we shall see that there is a likelihood, if boasting is the reply to boasting, that each group will drive the other into excessive emphasis of the pattern, a process which if not restrained can only lead to more and more extreme rivalry and ultimately to hostility and the breakdown of the whole system. (17) Complementarydifferentiation.-To this category we may referall those cases in which the behaviour and aspirations of the of the two groups are fundamentally different. Thus of group A treat each other with patterns L,M,N, and exhibit the patterns O,P,Q, in dealings with group B. In reply to O,P,Q, the of group B exhibit the patterns U,V,W, but among themselves they adopt patterns R,S,T. Thus it comes about that O,P,Q is the reply to U,V,W, and vice versa. This differentiationmay become progressive. If, for example, the series, O,P,Q includes patterns culturally regarded as assertive, while U,V,W includes cultural submissiveness, it is likely that submissiveness will promote furtherassertiveness which in turn will promote furthersubmissiveness. This schismogenesis,unless it is restrained, leads to a progressive unilateral distortion of the personalities of the of both groups, which results in mutual hostility between them and must end in the breakdown of the system. (18) Reciprocity.-Though relationships between groups can broadly be classified into two categories, symmetrical and complementary,this subdivision is to some extent blurred by another type of differentiationwhich we may describe as reciprocal. In this type the behaviour patterns X and Y are adopted by of each group in their dealings with the other group, but instead of the symmetricalsystem whereby X is the reply to X and Y is the reply to Y, we find here that X is the reply to Y. Thus in every single instance the behaviour is asymmetrical, but symmetryis regained over a large number of instances since sometimes group A exhibit X to which group B reply with Y, and sometimes group A exhibit Y and group B reply with X. Cases, in which group A sometimes sell sago to group B and the latter sometimes sell the same commodity to A, may be regarded 4 Cf. Margaret Mead, Sex and Temperament, 1935. Of the communitiesdescribed in this book, the Arapesh and the Mundugumorhave a preponderantlysymmetrical relationship between the sexes, while the Tchambuli have a complementaryrelationship. Among the latmul, a tribe in the same area, which I have studied, the rela-

[

tionship between the sexes is complementary, but on rather differentlines fromthat of the Chambuli. I hope shortly to publish a book on the Iatmul with sketches of their culture from the points of view (a), (b) and (e) outlined in paragraph 10.

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as reciprocal;but ifgroupA habituallysellsago to B whilethelatterhabituallysell fishto A, we must, I think,regardthe patternas complementary.The reciprocalpattern,it may be noted,is compendoes not tend towardsschismogenesis. sated and balanced withinitselfand therefore (19) Pointsforinvestigation.-(a)We need a propersurveyof the typesof behaviourwhichcan type. At presentit is onlypossibleto pointto boasting of the symmetrical lead to schismogeneses and commercialrivalry,but no doubt thereare manyotherpatternswhichwillbe foundto be accompanied by the same type of effect. and lead to (b) We need a surveyof the typesof behaviourwhichare mutuallycomplementary versussubmissiveof the secondtype. Here we can at presentonlycite assertiveness schismogeneses versusexpressionsoffeeblenessand, in addition,the versusiration,fostering ness, exhibitionism variouspossiblecombinationsof thesepairs. of the generallaw assumedabove, that whentwo groupsexhibitcom(c) We need verification plementarybehaviourto each other,the internalbehaviourbetweenof group A must necessarilydifferfromthe internalbehaviourbetweenof groupB. of both typesfromthe variouspoints (d) We need a systematicexaminationof schismogeneses of view outlinedin paragraph10. At presentI have onlylookedat the matterfromthe ethological pointsofview(para. 10, aspects(a) and (b)). In additionto this,theMarxianhistorians and structural in WesternEurope. schismogenesis have givenus a pictureof the economicaspect of complementary which undulyby the schismogenesis It is likely,however,that theythemselveshave been influenced theystudiedand have been therebypromptedinto exaggeration. (e) We need to know somethingabout the occurrenceof reciprocalbehaviourin relationships or complementary. eithersymmetrical whichare preponderantly factors.-But, moreimportantthan any of the problemsin the previouspara(20) Restraining graph,we need a studyof the factorswhichrestrainboth types of schismogenesis.At the present and are readyto fly schismogenesis moment,the nationsof Europe are faradvancedin symmetrical at each other'sthroats;whilewithineach nationare to be observedgrowinghostilitiesbetweenthe schismogenesis.Equally, in the countriesruled various social strata,symptomsof complementary the behaviour schismogenesis, we may observeearly stages of complementary by new dictatorships of his associatespushingthe dictatorinto ever greaterprideand assertiveness. ratherthan to The purposeofthe presentarticleis to suggestproblemsand linesofinvestigation schismoas to the factorscontrolling suggestionsmay be offered state the answers,but, tentatively, genesis: (a) It is possiblethat, actually,no healthyequilibratedrelationshipbetweengroupsis either but that everysuch relationshipcontainselementsof or purelycomplementary, purelysymmetrical intoone ortheothercategoryaccording theothertype. It is truethatit is easy to classifyrelationships to theirpredominantemphases,but it is possiblethat a very small ixtureof complementary behaviourin a or a very small ixtureof symmetrical relationship, behaviourin a symmetrical may go a longway towardsstabilizingthe position. Examples of this relationship, complementary and not complementary typeof stabilizationare perhapscommon. The squireis in a predominantly relationshipwith his villagers,but if he participatein village cricket(a symalways comfortable effectupon his relationmetricalrivalry)but once a year,thismay have a curiouslydisproportionate ship with them. (b) It is certainthat,as in the case quotedabove in whichgroupA sell sago to B whilethe latter patternsmay sometimeshave a real stabilizingeffectby promotinga sell fishto A, complementary the groups. mutual dependancebetween may (c) It is possiblethat the presenceof a numberoftrulyreciprocalelementsin a relationship which otherwisemightresult eitherfromsymtend to stabilizeit, preventingthe schismogenesis elements. But this would seem to be at best a veryweak defence: on metricalor complementary upon the reciprocalbehaviour schismogenesis the one hand,if we considerthe effectsof symmetrical patternswe see that the lattertendto be less and less exhibited. Thus, as the individualscomposing international rivalries, the nationsof Europe becomemoreand moreinvolvedin theirsymmetrical theygraduallyleave offbehavingin a reciprocalmanner,deliberatelyreducingto a minimumtheir

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formerreciprocal commercial behaviour.5 On the other hand, if we consider the effectsof complementary schismogenesisupon the reciprocal behaviour patterns, we see that one-halfof the reciprocal pattern is liable to lapse. -Where formerlyboth groups exhibited both X and Y, a system gradually evolves in which one ofthe groups exhibits only X, while the other exhibits only Y. In fact, behaviour which was formerlyreciprocal is reduced to a typical complementarypattern and is likely after that to contribute to the complementary schismogenesis. (d) It is certain that either type of schismogenesisbetween two groups can be checked by factors which unite the two groups either in loyalty or opposition to some outside element. Such an outside element may be either a symbolic individual, an enemy people or some quite impersonal circumstance -the lion will lie down with the lamb if only it rain hard enough. But it must be noted that where the outside element is a person or group of persons, the relationship of the combined groups A and B to the outside group will always be itself a potentially schismogenic relationship of one or the other type. Examination of multiple systems of this kind is badly needed and especially we need to know more about the systems (e.g., military hierarchies) in which the distortion of personality is modified in the middle groups of the hierarchyby permittingthe individuals to exhibit respect and submission in dealings with higher groups while they exhibit assertiveness and pride in dealing with the lower. (e) In the case of the European situation, there is one other possibility-a special case of control by diversion of attention to outside circumstances. It is possible that those responsible for the policy of classes and nations might become conscious of the processes with which they are playing and co-operate in an attempt to solve the difficulties. This, however, is not very likely to occur since anthropology and social psychology lack the prestige necessary to advise; and, without such advice, governmentswill continueto react to each other's reactions ratherthan pay attention to circumstances. (21) In concluLsion,we may turn to the problems of the faced with a black-white culture . His firsttask is to decide which of the end results outlined in paragraph 8 is desirable and possible of attainment. This decision he must make without hypocrisy. If he chooses fusion, then he must endeavour to contrive every step so as to promote the conditions of consistency which are outlined (as problems for investigation) in paragraph 10. If he chooses that both groups shall persist in some form of dynamic equilibrium, then he must contrive to establish a system in which the possibilities of schismogenesis are properly compensated or balanced against each other. But at every step in the scheme which I have outlined there are problems which must be studied by trained students and which when solved will contribute,not only to applied sociology, but to the very basis of our understanding of human beings in society. GREGORY BATESON. The Diffusion of the Horse to the Flatheads.

By Harry Turney-High,M.A., Ph.D., State University ofMontana. Introductory Note.-For the benefitofthoseworkerswhosefieldsofconsistentendeavour are distant fromNorth-westUnited States, the followingnote of reviewis offered.The UU Flatheadsare a peopleofwesternMontana,speakinga languagewithintheSalishanfamily,and areof Plateau type culture. The peoplethemselves vigorously objectto thetermFlatheadin reference to themselves, although manyotherIndiansso call them,particularly thoseto theeast. Theycall themselvestheSalish (se*lic). Most of the tribesto the west speakingmemberlanguagesof the Salishan stock,even as faras the PacificOcean,also referto the Flatheadsby somevariantofthisword. For manycenturiestheirprincipalhomehas been in the BitterRoot Valley of westernMontana. At sometimelongago theyseemto have migratedfromanotherlocale. Teit has publishedmaterial indicatingthattheiroriginalhomewas east on theGreatPlains.' The greatmajorityofmyinformants,

5 In this, as in the other examples given, no attempt is made to consider the schismogenesis from all the points of view outlined in paragraph 10. Thus, inasmuch as the economic aspect of the matter is not here being considered, the effectsof the slump upon the schismogenesis are ignored. A complete study would be subdivided into separate sections, each treating one of the aspects of the phenomena.

1 Teit, James A., I Salishan Tribes of the Western Plateaus,' 45th Annual Rept., Bureau of American Ethnology, 1927-1928. Perhaps it is impossibleto solve this question. All that I can say for my own position is that I have lived with the Flatheads fornine years in contrast with Mr. Teit's extremelyshort visit, and that I have used many informantsin comparison with Mr. Teit's almost completerelianceon the late NlichelRevais.

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